Harmonic word order constraints are not created equal: the final-over-final constraint as an epiphenomenon

The Final-over-Final Constraint (FOFC, Holmberg 2000, Biberauer et al 2007, 2008) is a descriptive generalisation stating that a head-initial phrase cannot be dominated by a head-final phrase. The empirical support for this observation is robust in certain clausal contexts, but elsewhere shows that the FOFC-violating order is simply dispreferred. There is therefore some confusion as to whether the FOFC is an invariant principle, or a non-absolute trend. This paper provides evidence that the FOFC acts as a robust principle only as regards the leftright asymmetry in the distribution of subordinating complementisers. For any other category, there are examples of FOFC-violating structures, including the categories Aux and T, contra previous claims (cf. Julien 2002, 2007, Biberauer et al 2007, 2008). The key contribution of the paper is to show that the only data directly supporting the FOFC—the distribution of subordinating complementisers—can be derived independently of it. It is shown that the attested distribution is fully captured by the interaction of three independently motivated harmonic word order principles: Head Proximity (Rijkhoff 1984, 1986, 1990, 1992), the Head Parameter (inter alia Chomsky 1981) and the preference for complement clauses to appear in sentence-final position (Dryer 1980). Where there is competition among these principles, it is Head Proximity that takes precedence. The disharmonic orders that occur elsewhere are explained by specific linearisation rules within a language pertaining to the semantics of a head. Such rules require a head with specified semantics to appear in a prominent position. The presence of such rules may result in either a FOFC violation or its inverse, whereby a head-initial phrase dominates a head-final one. The comparative rarity of the former over the latter can be attributed to two factors: firstly, linearisation rules targeting a prominent position more often target an initial, than final, position (Dik 1978, Siewierska 1991); secondly, there is a cross-linguistic preference to place shorter material before longer, such as heads before phrases (Siewierska 1988). Finally, the fact that subordinating complementisers always obey the optimal word order, and are therefore immune to more specific linearisation rules, is predicted by their lack of semantics

Harmony, Head Proximity, and the Near Parallels between Nominal and Clausal Linkers

This paper puts forward a notion of harmonic word order that leads to a new generalisation over the presence or absence of disharmony: specific functional heads must cross-linguistically obey this notion of harmony absolutely, while for other categories the presence of harmony is simply a tendency. The difference between the two classes is defined by semantics. This approach allows us both to draw certain parallels between restrictions on word order in nominals and in clauses, and furthermore to explain why other expected parallels should fail to be realised completely, specifically as regards differences in the distribution of relative clauses in the NP and complement clauses in the sentence. Syntactically independent relative clause markers and subordinating complementisers share a striking restriction as regards ordering: relative clause markers are always initial in postnominal relative clauses, and final in prenominal relative clauses (Andrews 1975; Downing 1978; Lehmann 1984; Keenan 1985; De Vries 2002, 2005); similarly, initial subordinating Cs only appear in postverbal complement clauses, while final subordinating Cs are only possible where the complement clause is preverbal (Bayer 1996, 1997, 1999; Kayne 2000). In this paper, I provide new evidence from eighty genetically and geographically diverse languages of a third category sharing precisely the same restriction: linkers in the complex NP. These are syntactically independent, semantically vacuous heads, serving to mark the presence of a relationship between a noun and any kind of phrasal dependent (Rubin 2002; Den Dikken and Singhapreecha 2004; Philip 2009). The class of linkers in the NP therefore includes the ezafe in Indo-Iranian, the associative marker -a in Bantu, as well as purely functional adpositions such as of in English. Like relative clause markers and subordinating Cs, the linker always intervenes linearly between the superordinate head (the noun) and the subordinate dependent. Crucially, relative clause markers, subordinating Cs, and linkers in the NP form a natural class: they are syntactically independent, semantically vacuous words serving purely to mark the presence of a relationship between head and dependent. Any member of this class is a ‘linker’. I propose a theory of disharmony whereby linearisation rules targeting heads with specified semantics can require such heads to appear in a prominent position, either initial or final, irrespective of the general headedness of the language. Linkers, being semantically vacuous, are of course impervious to such rules; they will therefore always conform to the harmonic, or optimal, word order. I propose a theory of harmony whereby the optimal word order is determined by the interaction of three independently motivated harmonic word order constraints: Head Proximity (adapted from Rijkhoff 1984, 1986, cf. Head-Final Filter, Williams 1982), the preference for uniformity in headedness (initial or final), and the preference for clausal dependents to appear in final position (Dryer 1980, 1992). Where the three constraints compete, it is always Head Proximity that takes precedence. I show that the distribution of all three types of linker is fully captured by this proposal. Moreover, this theory of ordering also accounts for another well observed near parallel between clauses and nominals, as well as its exceptions. This concerns a left-right asymmetry in the distribution of clausal dependents: while in OV languages complement clauses appear with near equal frequency in both preverbal and postverbal position, in VO languages they are found uniquely in postverbal position (Dryer 1980; Hawkins 1994; Dryer 2009); similarly, in OV languages relative clauses are distributed relatively evenly between prenominal and postnominal position, whereas in VO languages they are almost always postnominal, with very few exceptions (Mallinson & Blake 1981; Hawkins 1983, 1990; Lehmann 1984; Keenan 1985; Dryer 1992, 2007, 2008; De Vries 2005). The theory predicts these exceptions to be permitted only in languages that are rigidly N-final. Hawkins’ (1983) Noun Modifier Hierarchy suggests that this prediction is borne out; apparent exceptions (cf. Dryer 2008) are found underlyingly to be N-final

The Metaphysics of the Sublime: Old Wine, New Wineskin?

John Milbank’s and Phillip Blond’s narratives of modernity’s descent to nihilism identify the “metaphysics of the sublime” as a feature of modernity, assimilated from Kant’s critical project, that is particularly problematic for the robust post-modern Christian theology proposed in Radical Orthodoxy. This essay argues that the sublime is not the concept most fundamental to their account of Kant’s role in modernity. Far more important is the “phenomenon/noumenon” distinction, which Milbank and Blond read as a “two-world” distinction—an understanding that, despite a long history in Kant interpretation, is not Kant’s. It is less important, however, that constructive dialogue between Radical Orthodoxy and Catholic theology correct this misreading of Kant. More important will be efforts to understand the metaphor of the “immense depth of things,” which Radical Orthodox offers in contrast to the “metaphysics of the sublime,” particularly in relation to the concepts of participation and the analogy of attribution that emerge from Radical Orthodoxy’s reading of Aquinas

The Phenomenology of Ritual Resistance: Colin Kaepernick as Confucian Sage

In 2016, Colin Kaepernick, a quarterback for the San Francisco 49ers, remained seated during the national anthem in order to protest racial injustice and police brutality against African-Americans. After consulting with National Football League and military veteran Nate Boyer, Kaepernick switched to taking a knee during the anthem for the remainder of the season. Several NFL players and other professional athletes subsequently adopted this gesture. This article brings together complementary Confucian and phenomenological analyses to elucidate the significance of Kaepernick’s gesture, and in the process provide a phenomenological characterization of the connection between the Confucian notions of sagehood and ritual. Kaepernick’s gesture subverts the anthem ritual from within while simultaneously remaining faithful to the ideals it is meant to express. Furthermore, it institutes a new bodily form of patriotic self-expression compatible with both American and Confucian ideals

War As Morally Unintelligible: Sovereign Agency and the Limits of Kantian Autonomy

Kant’s treatment of war is usually discussed as part of his political philosophy or philosophy of history. In contrast, this essay locates these discussions in direct reference to major elements of his moral philosophy: autonomy, the categorical imperative, and the moral relationality of the kingdom of ends. Within this context, Kant’s account of war, particularly in writings from the 1790s, can be read as affirming war as morally unintelligible: It is the expression of a collective withdrawal from the constitutive relationality of moral community. This results in a radical disparity in the exercise of moral autonomy by the sovereign agency of the state with respect to peace, on one hand, and with respect to war, on the other